Today & Tomorrow

Photo source: The Himalayan Times

Today, the Cuban rumba is regularly celebrated throughout the world in a variety of contexts. In Cuba, it is the center of annual festivals at both the national and provincial levels, each festival lasting from one to two weeks (which generally overlap with Cuba's Culture Week, a period of time set aside by the Cuban government to recognize Cuba's diverse heritage) (Daniel 1991) . Additional government-sanctioned rumba-related events are regularly held twice a month by state-operated organizations called empresas (Bodenheimer 2013). Community centers and schools around the country offer classes and performances, ensuring that the rumba is incorporated into everyday life and culture for Cubans. The significance of official celebrations like these should be noted, because no other Cuban dance is recognized on such a level, indicating the degree to which the rumba is valued as Cuban folk art (Daniel 1991). This point is particularly relevant when indices of power and creative freedom are viewed alongside long-standing racial inequality. 

Since its inception, the Cuban rumba has been considered una cosa de negros, "a black thing" (Bodenheimer 2013). Even today, when racial inequalities have allegedly been addressed, the rumba is performed almost exclusively by Cubanos of color (those of African descent), particularly those of lower socioeconomic status (Bodenheimer 2013; Daniel 1991). Although performance occurs frequently in an official capacity at government-organized festivals, it also regularly takes place en la calle, or "in the street" (Bodenheimer 2013). This visible use of public space by a marginalized group marks an inversion of power roles that temporarily allows performers and audience members to address systemic inequalities while reaffirming shared values (Bettelheim 1991; Daniel 1991; Handelman 1984). These unofficial public performances of the rumba constitute a type of ritual in which folk art that has been appropriated by the government is reappropriated by the folk group itself.

This high degree of visibility provides Afro-Cubans with a public stage upon which to assert their cultural significance and, therefore, creates the opportunity to negotiate for greater economic and political equality (Daniel 1991; Manuel 1994). Group cohesiveness is strengthened and a sense of continuity, meaning, and identity is established for group members (Sims and Stephens 2011). These unofficial performances are important, because performance of the rumba is strictly controlled by state-operated organizations called empresas. When rumberos defy government control of their art by practicing in an unofficial capacity or providing lessons to foreigners, they are actively asserting their role as folk creators and performers (Bodenheimer 2013).

Video: A rumba street performance in Baracoa, Cuba (1:30)

A common Cuban saying asserts that "there is no Cuba without rumba," but racial and generational divides indicate that cultural beliefs surrounding the performance of the rumba differ greatly from its actual performance. Dance researcher Yvonne Daniel (1991, 4) writes that "most light-skinned Cubans are still hesitant to adopt the rumba as their preferred dance" and that "young Cubans generally do not dance the rumba." Older Cubans of color, on the other hand, often consider the rumba to be a favorite dance. Daniel (1991) explains this discrepancy between public attitude and behavior in terms of under-addressed racial and economic inequalities; while public perception maintains that racial inequalities have been effectively addressed, attitudes toward Afro-Cuban folk performance reveal otherwise. 

Photo credit: Getty Images

Racial inequality and rumba performance have both been affected by the growing tourist economy in Cuba in recent decades. The resulting demand for "traditional" music and dance (favored, in particular, by American and European tourists) has aided in the promotion of the rumba, but also gives the empresas more power over the contexts in which rumberos may perform. Although performative and financial opportunities have increased for rumberos, opportunities within the tourism industry are heavily skewed along racial lines. Positions within the tourism industry for light-skinned Cubans are varied and manifold, but those awarded to Afro-Cubans tend to be limited to the "traditional" arts, including performance of the rumba. As a result, rumba is now widely celebrated by locals and foreigners alike, but racial inequalities may only have been reinforced (Bodenheimer 2013).

The story of the rumba, from its inception to its practice today, is a story of power and people: those who hold it and those who do not. What began as a means of maintaining a voice and identity during the slave trade evolved into the multilayered, highly celebrated form of folklore that now epitomizes Cubanidad, or "Cubanness" (Bodenheimer 2013). In an ostensible attempt to reach and unite its citizens, the Cuban government appropriated the rumba, simultaneously promoting its value while seizing control over its practice. As a result, rumberos are in a distinctive position: heralded as national heroes and skilled folk artists, but denied basic control over their art (Bodenheimer 2013; Daniel 1991).

The position of los rumberos and Cubanos of color may not be as bleak as it appears, however. Recent changes in the relationship between the United States and Cuba have opened up opportunities for increased tourism. Ethnomusicologist Rebecca M. Bodenheimer (2013) suggests that tourists should visit Cuba and support rumberos in unofficial ways: by paying locals for rumba lessons, attending street performances, and connecting with individuals in ways that bypass the governmental middle man.

A Cuban rumba lesson in Germany; photo source: UNiDANZA

Additionally, many rumberos and Cubanos of color have taken matters into their own hands. As Cuba experienced revolution and periods of severe economic hardship over the past five and a half decades, many Cubans emigrated elsewhere, resulting in an exodus referred to as the Cuban diaspora. Not only did Cubans leave their home to find new ones, however; they took traditions like the rumba with them. What began as a local form of folk performance has become a global practice and Cuban rumba celebrations can now be found in cities far from Havana (Alfonso 2013).

Whether Cuban emigres and their descendants reside in New York City, London, Barcelona, or Buenos Aires, it is through shared musical traditions like the rumba, argues researcher Ivan Darias Alfonso (2013), that they continue to find meaning and retain Cuban identity. "Cuban music succeeds in forming a space where Cuban identity is performed and visible, where a feeling of commonality and sharing is expected, but only in those precise settings when music is played," he writes (257). Just as the rumba once provided a visible stage and a sense of community for West and Central African slaves living in Cuba's cabildos de nacion, it continues to do so on countless stages worldwide, giving a voice to Cubanos of color in Cuba, as well as those who find themselves scattered throughout the world.

Video: A guaguanco rumba performance at the 2015 Festival de Cuba in Germany (9:24)

Next: Bibliography